Download Contention and Democracy in Europe, 1650-2000 by Charles Tilly PDF

By Charles Tilly

This research of the connection among democratization and contentious politics builds upon the version set forth in Dynamics of rivalry (Cambridge, 2001). evaluating the Low international locations, Iberia, France, the British Isles, the Balkans, Russia, and different eu areas over 3 and a part turbulent centuries, the ebook demonstrates how related recurrent causal mechanisms in several combos, sequences, and preliminary stipulations produced contrasting trajectories towards and clear of democracy in numerous elements of the continent. additionally to be had: Dynamics of rivalry 0-521-80588-0 Hardback $60.00 C 0-521-01187-6 Paperback $22.00 D

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System functionalism explains activities or institutions by their consequences for a society, a political system, or some similar encompassing entity. System functionalism tempts analysts because it is all too easy after the fact to argue that authoritarian institutions exist because the system needs stability, that democratic institutions exist because the system needs equity, and so on. Social arrangements do sometimes reproduce the conditions for their own survival, as when ruling classes extract surpluses from subordinate classes and employ part of those surpluses to reinforce their control over subordinate classes (Tilly 1998: chapter 4).

Here history should provide important guidance for future interventions – if only to say what sorts of intervention are unlikely to make much difference. I am betting that democracies resemble lakes, therefore that history matters. How do we recognize a democratic lake when we come to it? We seek four markers: (1) relatively broad citizen-agent relations, (2) relatively equal citizen-agent relations, (3) binding, efficacious consultation of citizens with respect to governmental personnel, resources, and policy, and (4) protection of citizens, especially members of minorities, from arbitrary action by governmental agents.

When people segregate their trust networks entirely from public politics, they have strong incentives to evade responsibility for governmental performance and to seek short-term private advantage at the expense of long-term public good. In those circumstances, only the few who can turn governmental resources directly to their own advantage participate regularly in governmental activity. Up to a relatively high point, then, integration of trust networks into public politics provides both incentives and means for ordinary people to monitor, sanction, and collaborate with governmental production of public goods.

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