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By Peter B. Levy

Civil warfare on Race highway, so named simply because Race highway used to be the line that divided blacks and whites in Cambridge, Maryland, is a close exam of 1 of the main vivid in the community established struggles for racial equality in the course of the Sixties. starting with an outline of Cambridge, relatively its heritage of racial and sophistication kin, Peter Levy strains the emergence of the trendy civil rights circulate during this urban on Maryland's japanese Shore. Catalyzed via the arriving of freedom riders in 1962, the circulate in Cambridge improved in 1963 and 1964 lower than the management of Gloria Richardson, probably the most admired (and one of many few woman) civil rights leaders within the state. within the years after her departure from Cambridge, the stream went into decline until eventually 1967, while it underwent a quick revival that culminated with a rebellion allegedly incited through black energy spokesman H. Rap Brown. within the wake of the revolt, blacks and whites in Cambridge sought to rebuild their urban and go back to a politics of moderation. despite the fact that, Spiro Agnew, then governor of Maryland, used the rebel to increase his political profession and the fortunes of the hot correct, thereby garnering the eye of the general public (as good as Richard Nixon) and reaching the vice-presidency in 1968. whilst, H. Rap Brown observed his effect and that of the civil rights circulate decline. as well as supplying helpful insights into Richardson and Agnew, this research is among the few to envision a neighborhood in a "border" kingdom. Levy demonstrates that the ambitions of the circulate weren't common, that thoughts underwent consistent political and social switch, and that the effect at the micro point was once now not as fresh and fast as historians may have us think.

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Additional resources for Civil War on Race Street: The Civil Rights Movement in Cambridge, Maryland (Southern Dissent)

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Elderly blacks displayed little memory of the event, especially in comparison to their knowledge of other unrecorded developments, such as Harriet Tubman’s exploits. Nonetheless, the failure of the strikers to win what so many other workers were winning across the nation—a modicum of decency and respect—left unresolved several key issues that would loom large in years to come. Most important, the defeat of the strike left in place deep class cleavages and resentments. Furthermore, the resolution of the strike via the heavy hand of the Phillips Packing Company raised the possibility that social disorder could accompany the collapse of the company itself.

Yet, unlike Washington’s, St. Clair’s accommodationist stance did not necessitate surrendering the vote. The establishment of a “colored” library, construction of new schools (including Maryland’s first black high school near Baltimore in 1916 and later the Frederick D. St. Clair High School, which opened in 1932), and his appointment as chairman of the town council’s committee on lights and water testified to the efficacy of St. 26 However, St. Clair did not or could not topple other caste barriers.

In addition, Cambridge natives and people from nearby eastern seaboard cities and suburbs, reared in different environments, held vastly different worldviews. Many Eastern Shoresmen saw Cambridge as a hub of activity and modernity. In the 1920s Cambridge “was the undisputed queen city of the entire Eastern Shore,” Philip Wingate reminisced. It had a fairground, a professional baseball park (class D), railroad and bus depots, two newspapers, a hospital, poolroom, three hotels, two movie houses, a bowling alley, two brothels, and an assortment of eating places.

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