By Paul Eidelberg
An American Political Scientist in Israel recounts the author's conferences with a few of Israel's political and highbrow leaders after he immigrated to Israel in 1976. His e-book finds, for the 1st time, the mistaken mentality of those elites and the way this impacts their international coverage. As a political scientist and scholar of the America's Founding Fathers, he offers a certified critique of Israel's ideological and institutional flaws. Eidelberg additionally offers an in depth account of Israel's monetary and technological contribution to the USA. opposite to traditional opinion, buck for greenback, the USA gets extra from Israel than Israel gets from the U.S.! ultimately, Eidelberg deals a treatment for Israel's woes. He first indicates that even supposing Israel, is a democracy from a sociological viewpoint, it isn't a democracy from a political-institutional standpoint. not just does Israel lack a written structure with institutional exams and balances, yet participants of the legislature are usually not separately responsible to the citizens in constituency elections. working in Israel isn't consultant govt rather a lot as multi-party cupboard executive ruled through the best minister. Eidelberg has as a result drafted a structure that empowers the folk and is in keeping with uncomplicated Judaic rules. -Amazon.ca
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Additional info for American Political Scientist in Israel: From Athens to Jerusalem
4 Hence it is that diplomacy or a policy of peace may be a form of warfare carried on by other means. Moreover, Sadat, who taught himself German while imprisoned by the British in World War II for his pro-Nazi activities, gives every indication of having closely studied Hitler’s diplomatic tactics and methods of psychological warfare. The Nazi model of conquest is a peace-and-war strategy synchronized to facilitate the eventual destruction of the enemy. The peace phase of this strategy—call it the “peace offensive”—is a tactic employed by dictators against democracies, that is, against regimes based on the primacy of public opinion.
44 The Begin Peace Plan won only the grudging approval of a majority in the Knesset. Voices of criticism were heard within Begin’s coalition: the plan gave too much away and endangered Israel’s security. Even Labor thought the wholesale surrender of the Sinai was dangerous. The major difference, however, was over Judea and Samaria. 45 Meanwhile, the Peace Now movement was formed. Some of its spokesmen went so far as to suggest that Israel should even relinquish the Golan Heights, Israel’s only barrier against Syria.
With practiced cunning, he went so far as to blame Israel for this suspicion. “There was a wall between us which you tried to build up over a quarter of a century . . ) But “that wall fell and collapsed in 1973 (that is, during the Yom Kippur War). Yet, there remains another wall. ” Thus, with one bold stroke Sadat shifted the focus of suspicion from himself to Israel. Here he was merely pursuing the first objective of the Nazi “peace offensive”: to shift the responsibility for war onto the enemy.